For the "big figures" present who hold the reins of France’s policy direction, Rome and Pope Pius IX indeed posed a thorny problem. The issue was thorny because, in essence, it wasn’t a French problem. Strictly speaking, the Roman issue belonged to its domestic affairs, and French intervention might incite fear of the Republic across Europe.
Of course, those present were not afraid of war. Once war began, as the behind-the-scenes controllers of all of France, they could fully enjoy exclaiming words like, "France will never surrender until the last Frenchman is standing," and then send waves of idealistic "youths with aspirations" onto the battlefield.
However, doing so wouldn’t benefit them in any way, as none of them wished to start a full-scale war; once it started, no one could escape.
On the other hand, if they did not intervene, Rome, in its anarchic stage, would inevitably drift towards revolution. If Rome, the Catholic Holy Land, was lost, French Catholic conservatism would suffer a blow, dragging down the Order Party that also belonged to conservatism with it, and causing a stir among the Republican Faction in the National Assembly. The National Assembly might very well become dominated by the Republican Faction and the Mountain Party.
Not to mention that Jerome Bonaparte had promised Pope Pius IX, when he was in Rome, that if one day he was really expelled by Rome, he, as President, would definitely help him suppress the troublemakers.
In Jerome Bonaparte’s plan, with the majority in the parliament and local peasant militias spontaneously led by the priests to protect Pope Pius IX, there was simply no way he could lose to the Roman People.
Compared to the vast countryside and honest farmers of the Pope State, the city of Rome had no capacity to confront them. Who would have thought Pope Pius IX would turn a sure-win situation into the current embarrassing predicament?
Jerome Bonaparte, with his mind wandering, couldn’t help but recall a classic line from Chairman Kong Yige during the Battle of Huaihai in his previous life: "600,000 versus 800,000, the advantage is mine!"
Thinking of Chairman Kong Yige’s slightly comical face, Jerome Bonaparte couldn’t help but laugh out loud.
Jerome Bonaparte’s laughter successfully disturbed Thiers and others, who were still pondering. They all turned their gazes towards Jerome Bonaparte, seemingly expecting an answer from him, even if it was a wrong one.
Jerome Bonaparte cleared his throat, extended a finger, and said solemnly, "Gentlemen, we must determine a direction! Do we intervene in the Roman issue, or rather, do we have the capability to intervene in Rome?"
Jerome Bonaparte directed his gaze towards Changarnier. Among those present, only Changarnier had graduated from a formal military academy and had fought under Marshal Biron in Algeria.
Changarnier instantly understood the implication in Jerome Bonaparte’s eyes. With a hoarse and dry voice, he said, "If we speak purely from a military perspective, France indeed has the capability to intervene in Rome!"
"Specifically, how many people are needed?" Jerome Bonaparte continued to inquire.
"If it were up to me, around 10,000!" Changarnier replied haughtily, in his eyes, Rome was simply an easy target to acquire.
"Alright, I’ll calculate with 20,000!" Jerome Bonaparte decisively doubled Changarnier’s figure, recalling that General Urdino seemed to have used 14,000 without subduing the Roman Republic.
Of course, this was in 1849.
"From where would it be best to draw the force of 20,000?" Jerome Bonaparte continued to ask.
"The Alps Army would be best, as it’s relatively closer to Rome!" Changarnier responded once more.
"Then, may I ask the Prime Minister, how much budget would approximately be required for the troop of over 20,000, and can we get it approved by the National Assembly’s plan?" Jerome Bonaparte, controlling the rhythm, once again asked Audion Barrot.
Without experience in military finance, Audion Barrot couldn’t immediately say, so he turned his gaze towards Thiers, who had previously served as Prime Minister and led the Eastern Crisis.
After pondering for a moment, Thiers provided an answer: "If supplied locally, maintaining a force of 20,000 for about a month requires around 7-9 million francs!"
Thiers’ term "local supply" implied France’s old tradition of plundering along the way, a principle that had made generals rich.
"If we do decide to intervene, I’m afraid the National Assembly won’t agree to our appropriation request!" Count Morel, with one hand dangling on the sofa in a relaxed posture, remarked: "They wouldn’t want to waste citizens’ money maintaining control over their enemies!"
Those "they" Count Morel referred to are the Republicans and the Mountain Party in the National Assembly.
"Perhaps we can directly allocate funds without going through the National Assembly!" Audion Barrot, picking up Count Morel’s words, smiled and said: "The National Assembly doesn’t trace every single fund’s origin or path. We just need to erase some minor details in our quarterly reports to the National Assembly."
"However, military mobilization can’t be concealed from the National Assembly!" Changarnier added.
"That will depend on our President!" Thiers turned his gaze to Jerome Bonaparte.
As the highest military commander in all of France, Jerome Bonaparte had the right to mobilize troops without the parliament’s approval. Although he couldn’t directly control the army, with his endorsement, the army could operate unimpeded.
"Of course, I’m quite willing to do something for the army!" Jerome Bonaparte said without any hesitation and then continued, "So, who should command this army?"
"How about General Urdino?" Barrow suggested.
"Urdino? No way! He’s from that side!" Thiers immediately vetoed General Urdino.
"I thought the same!" Jerome Bonaparte also vetoed Urdino. He and his father were traitors to the Bonaparte, and Jerome Bonaparte didn’t want to waste the opportunity to gain prestige on him: "How about General Reniao?"
"Hmm?" Thiers looked at Jerome Bonaparte in surprise, not understanding when Jerome Bonaparte had connected with Reniao.
Understanding Thiers’ implication, Jerome Bonaparte frankly said, "Today, General Reniao left a deep impression on me!"
"I thought the President would support General Opler! Seems like our General Opler missed the chance!" Thiers remarked with a hint of mockery, inwardly relieved that the foolish President didn’t intend to meddle with the army.
"The Republic’s interests are greater than personal feelings!" Jerome Bonaparte earnestly responded, unable to suppress a smile inside.
These guys had no idea that in the future, General Reniao would seize Changarnier’s military power, completely depriving the Order Party of their safeguard.
From troop deployment to financial expenditure and military commanders, their choices were clear without saying.
"But before that, we still need to negotiate once with the Austrian Empire! Prime Minister, I’ll leave this matter to you!"